Bernhard Stahl

The research project aims to investigate the under-theorized concept of silence within the realm of foreign policy analysis, particularly concerning the silencing of mass atrocities. This project seeks to address the gap in social-constructivist foreign policy research by examining how silence operates and its implications for foreign policy decisions and discourse. The research is motivated by the observation that, despite the widespread acceptance of silence as a significant factor in political science and related social sciences, it has not been adequately explored within foreign policy analysis. The project posits that foreign policy silence does not merely equate to the absence of speech but includes the strategic omission or downplaying of critical issues. This form of silence can shape perceptions and policies in profound ways, often leaving significant matters unaddressed. The project’s theoretical framework challenges the prevailing logocentric focus on articulated language in foreign policy studies. By incorporating silence into the analysis, the studies aim to provide a more holistic understanding of foreign policy. This approach will involve the conceptualization of silence, distinguishing between different types of silence such as imposed silence (resulting from violence or institutional constraints) and purposive silence (intentional non-communication). Empirically, the project will focus on the foreign policies of Germany, France, the United Kingdom, and the United States. This comparative case study will explore how these democracies, which theoretically should engage in open discourse on such severe crimes, often remain silent. By analyzing this silence, patterns and motivations behind the lack of articulation in foreign policy regarding mass atrocities will be uncovered.

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Güneş Ünüvar

My project explores the conceptualization of outer space as an environment, and its implications for international law, particularly concerning environmental protection and foreign investments. The study aims to reconceptualize outer space, especially Earth’s orbit, as an environmental domain subject to regulatory measures similar to those applied to terrestrial and atmospheric environments. The research is motivated by the rapid growth in both public and private space endeavors, which include satellite operations, space tourism, resource extraction and utilization, as well as potential extraterrestrial settlements. With regard to orbital activities, the focus will be on the accumulation of space debris, presenting significant risks such as orbital collisions, which could eventually render Earth’s orbit unusable—a scenario known as the Kessler Syndrome. Given these concerns, the project examines whether space should be classified as an environment requiring protection.
Through environmental sociology, the project will show that while environmental protection is one aspect of our interaction with outer space, environmental utilization, risk mitigation, scientific engagement, and cultural preservation are parallel manifestations of outer space as environment, and crucial aspects of our engagement with it. Building upon this framework, the project’s key contribution is to show how this taxonomy helps better conceptualize the leeway of states regulating space activities, as well as rules and principles in international law, applicable to environmental protection and policies instigated by states.
A central aspect of this study is the investigation of how categorizing space as an environment influences international investment law, particularly regarding state regulations and their impact on private sector activities. The project posits that space, much like terrestrial and atmospheric domains, can be subject to environmental protection measures which may conflict with commercial interests. This conflict is explored through the lens of international investment agreements (IIAs) and arbitration cases where states have imposed environmental regulations impacting foreign investments.

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Raúl González Muñoz

This project looks to identify and analyse the key challenges and enablers encountered in the implementation of the European Union Space Strategy for Security and Defence, unveiled on March 10, 2023 by the European Commission and the High Representative (HR) for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell.
This project will focus in four main areas: (1) space industrial capacity of the EU; (2) space industry frameworks in Europe compared to USA analogues; (3) space market harmonization in Europe supported by a shared space law; and, (4) space as a vector for European integration.
The final aim of the research is to provide a structured analysis with a particular focus on the industrial capacity of the European space sector compared to other space faring powers, as well as the dynamics of great power competition in space and the role Europe could play in the future geopolitical landscape.

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Tamirace Fakhoury

What does refugee politics reveal about policy dissonance? And how does it enable a nuanced insight into the spatiality and dispersion of power beyond the focus on classical geopolitics? My research project looks at refugee policy in the Euro-Middle East as a messy spatiality of power where asylum policies and bordering practices mutually influence and contest each other. I draw on relational approaches that decenter the focus from EU governance and that conceptualize the political agency of the so-called ‘borderlands. Building on the case of Syrian displacement, I explore how Middle East polities and societies have shaped the EU’s resilience-building discursive practices and externalization strategies of migration control. I further explore what this means for refugees’ rights and protection, and for responsibility-sharing.

The project is structured around four streams:

– How have governments in the Middle East interpreted and enacted the EU’s external refugee instruments? In what ways have their governance legacies, legal frameworks, and economic systems reshaped the EU’s normative and funding power?

– What are the on-the-ground effects of the refugee instruments that have been negotiated, particularly in terms of asylum policy formulation, and the livelihoods and protection of refugees in the region?

– Which “pathways” and “criteria for evaluation” (Young 1978) might clarify the limited impact of the EU’s funding power in addressing prolonged displacement in the Middle East, despite the EU’s declared aims of promoting resilience and joint burden-sharing?

-And (as an avenue for further research), how can the EU and regional host states in the Middle East draw on their contentious cooperation on refugee issues as an opportunity for reflexive and learning-based governance?

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Tamirace Al Fakhoury

What does refugee politics reveal about policy dissonance? And how does it enable a nuanced insight into the spatiality and dispersion of power beyond the focus on classical geopolitics? My research project looks at refugee policy in the Euro-Middle East as a messy spatiality of power where asylum policies and bordering practices mutually influence and contest each other. I draw on relational approaches that decenter the focus from EU governance and that conceptualize the political agency of the so-called ‘borderlands. Building on the case of Syrian displacement, I explore how Middle East polities and societies have shaped the EU’s resilience-building discursive practices and externalization strategies of migration control. I further explore what this means for refugees’ rights and protection, and for responsibility-sharing.

The project is structured around four streams:

– How have governments in the Middle East interpreted and enacted the EU’s external refugee instruments? In what ways have their governance legacies, legal frameworks, and economic systems reshaped the EU’s normative and funding power?

– What are the on-the-ground effects of the refugee instruments that have been negotiated, particularly in terms of asylum policy formulation, and the livelihoods and protection of refugees in the region?

– Which “pathways” and “criteria for evaluation” (Young 1978) might clarify the limited impact of the EU’s funding power in addressing prolonged displacement in the Middle East, despite the EU’s declared aims of promoting resilience and joint burden-sharing?

-And (as an avenue for further research), how can the EU and regional host states in the Middle East draw on their contentious cooperation on refugee issues as an opportunity for reflexive and learning-based governance?

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Reza Hasmath

This project looks at how the Chinese citizenry currently think about the world, and its implications for future foreign relations with Western jurisdictions. It draws upon hard to access representative data from the 2023 and 2024 Chinese Citizens’ Global Perception Surveys (CCGPS) conducted by the Investigator. The CCGPS look at mainland Chinese citizens’ perspectives on China’s current relations with global actors, including, Australia, Canada, EU, France, Germany, India, Japan, Russia, UK and USA.

The project will examine four key areas of analytical interest: (1) Chinese citizens’ global perception of trusted partners, and those jurisdictions that may be more antagonistic in the near future; (2) views on China’s global roles; (3) preferences for foreign tourism, study, work and emigration; and, (4) Chinese citizens’ sources and knowledge of global jurisdictions.

The ultimate aim of the project is to provide timely, data-driven evidence that can assist key stakeholders to develop targeted and considered strategies for enlightened and productive engagement with mainland China.

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Chelsea Haramia

Dr. Haramia’s research focuses on global planning for post-detection scenarios, i.e., scenarios that humans may face following a successful detection of extraterrestrial life or technology in outer space. Gauging public attitudes towards candidate global actions is fundamental for ethical questions of global consent. Informed consent, when it is possible to obtain, is arguably critical for morally appropriate representation and risk taking. Thus, consent regarding risk and representation is a crucial area of targeted analysis in current post-detection research. Dr. Haramia’s work underscores the need to navigate speculative discourse and promote ethical inquiry in order to leverage existing resources for effective preparedness.
Central to her research agenda is the exploration of methodologies for assessing public attitudes towards global risks and securing global consent for post-detection proposals. She outlines both theoretical and concrete strategies aimed at advancing research into post-detection. She poses pivotal questions to guide her investigation, delving into the necessity of current and future tools, policies, and interdisciplinary research frameworks for navigating potential contact with extraterrestrial entities. Additionally, she explores the potential of foresight studies training and AI-driven programs in bolstering global preparedness and representation, addressing concerns of overrepresentation, misrepresentation, inclusion, and others in planetary future planning endeavors.

Dr. Haramia’s work stems from a comprehensive overview of the historical context of post-detection research, tracing its origins from the early days of SETI science to the formulation of contemporary post-detection protocols.
Moreover, she underscores the crucially interdisciplinary nature of research in this field and emphasizes the value of collaborative initiatives. Her overarching goal is to develop defensible thresholds for informed consent and to explore avenues for globally-focused programs that will help to prepare humanity for a post-detection future.

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Inci Öykü Yener-Roderburg

Inci Öykü Yener-Roderburg is conducting a research project that investigates the intricate interplay between religion, diaspora associations, and extraterritorial voting (EV) within the context of Turkey-originating communities in Germany. With the introduction of remote enfranchisement in 2012, Turkish diasporas have witnessed a unique form of political mobilization, yet the specific influence of religious associations on voting behavior remains understudied.

Drawing on a multidisciplinary approach, this study aims to shed light on three main objectives: Firstly, it seeks to elucidate the significance of religion in shaping political mobilization within diasporas, with a particular focus on Alevi and Sunni faith-based diaspora organizations in Germany. Secondly, it analyzes the mechanisms through which these religious associations facilitate and promote voting participation during Turkish electoral cycles in Germany and during German electoral cycles in Germany. Lastly, it adopts a gender-sensitive perspective to examine the role of women within these organizations and their impact on EV.

Despite the growing body of literature on emigrant enfranchisement, the role of religion in influencing voting behavior remains largely unexplored. By focusing on Turkey-originating faith-based diaspora organizations in Germany, this research aims to fill this gap and provide a nuanced understanding of the complex dynamics at play.

Through a combination of qualitative methods including ethnographic research and in-depth interviews, this study aims to uncover the motivations, challenges, and strategies behind voting and mobilization within diaspora communities. By examining the intersection of religion, citizenship, and political engagement, it seeks to contribute to broader discussions on diaspora politics and transnational political participation.

The significance of this research extends beyond academic inquiry, as it has implications for understanding the evolving nature of political participation among diaspora communities, its impact on ‘homeland’. This study delves into the role of religious associations as significant agents in extraterritorial voting, as well as their potential impact on elections in resident countries. The aim is to offer insights that can inform policy-making and deepen our understanding of diaspora engagement in democratic processes within a transnational context.

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Albert Ahenkan

Albert Ahenkan and Samuel Anuga are conducting a tandem research project, spanning from March to the end of April 2024 for Albert Ahenkan and from February to the end of November 2024 for Samuel Anuga. Their collaborative effort focuses on the implications of the EU Green Deal on Africa-Europe relations in the context of new geopolitical tensions and weaponized interdependence. In response to heightened geopolitical tensions and weaponized interdependence, the significance of renewable energy and green innovations has grown substantially. The EU Green Deal, proposed by the European Commission, serves as an ambitious agenda to transform the EU into a carbon-neutral continent by 2050. It aims to decouple economic growth from resource usage and address uncertainties in global energy development exacerbated by events such as the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The research project acknowledges the historical cooperation between the EU and Africa, emphasizing the need to bridge the existing gap in empirical evidence regarding their collaboration on the Green Deal.
Climate change and environmental degradation pose significant threats to both continents, making international cooperation, climate policy advancements, and regional measures imperative. The demand for greener energy within the EU, marked by the phase-out of fossil fuels and coal, has created a solid foundation for renewable energy investment. Conversely, African countries, despite contributing minimally to global warming, face severe climate change impacts, prompting the African Union’s Agenda 2063 to prioritize green technologies and adaptation.
Under the joint project, Albert will be addressing the key questions: 1. How can the EU avoid discrepancies in the Green Deal Implementation strategy and not fall back to uncleaned energy sources in a period of critical energy crisis? 2. How are emerging conflicts in the Sahel Region of Africa affecting renewable energy investment in EU-Africa relations?

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Stephan Lewandowsky

My project is focused on the role of misinformation and disinformation and different understandings of truth in an international context. My recent research has focused on the changing conceptions of “honesty”, particularly the populist rebranding of authenticity as honesty, whereby “speaking one’s mind” has become an indicator of “honesty” even if utterances are factually incorrect. In consequence, a serial misinformer such as Donald Trump, who according to fact checkers made more than 30,000 false or misleading statements during his presidency, can end up being considered honest by his followers (according to survey data, 75% of Republicans considered him to be honest). The acceptance of authenticity as a surrogate for truthfulness is incompatible with democratic political discourse, in which arguments are supported by appeals to evidence rather than feelings. I suggest that much of the recent turmoil in western democracies, particularly the U.S. and U.K., can be explained by considering the clash between a populist understanding of truth as “speaking one’s mind” and a democratic understanding that rests on evidence rather than momentary feelings. During my fellowship, I will extend this analysis to an international context, using the Northern Ireland Protocol, and the relationship between the U.K. and EU, as a case study. I will examine the political discourse in the UK and in the EU to see if linguistic markers for the two concepts of honesty are identifiable, and whether they differ between the UK and EU. My expectation is that the UK discourse vis-à-vis the Northern Ireland Protocol will be distinctly more populist than its counterpart in the EU.

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Samuel Weniga Anuga

Samuel Anuga is conducting a tandem research project with Albert Ahenkan. Their collaborative effort focuses on the implications of the EU Green Deal on Africa-Europe relations in the context of new geopolitical tensions and weaponized interdependence. In response to heightened geopolitical tensions and weaponized interdependence, the significance of renewable energy and green innovations has grown substantially. The EU Green Deal, proposed by the European Commission, serves as an ambitious agenda to transform the EU into a carbon-neutral continent by 2050. It aims to decouple economic growth from resource usage and address uncertainties in global energy development exacerbated by events such as the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The research project acknowledges the historical cooperation between the EU and Africa, emphasizing the need to bridge the existing gap in empirical evidence regarding their collaboration on the Green Deal.

Climate change and environmental degradation pose significant threats to both continents, making international cooperation, climate policy advancements, and regional measures imperative. The demand for greener energy within the EU, marked by the phase-out of fossil fuels and coal, has created a solid foundation for renewable energy investment. Conversely, African countries, despite contributing minimally to global warming, face severe climate change impacts, prompting the African Union’s Agenda 2063 to prioritize green technologies and adaptation.

Under the joint project, Samuel will be addressing the key questions: 1. What are the implications of the emergence of new geopolitical tensions on new green energy transitions in Europe-Africa relations? 2. How can Africa avoid being a mere resource supplier or a battery continent and focus on the co-creation and co-ownership of green energy technologies?

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Kai He

The world is in crisis. The Russian invasion of Ukraine in early 2022 marked a considerable military challenge from a resurgent Russia to the established international order of the 21st century. The conflict between Israel and Hamas, which began in October 2023, has further jeopardized global peace and stability. Despite these crises, U.S. policymakers still view China as “America’s most consequential geopolitical challenge” in the 21st century. The strategic competition between the United States and China has intensified since the COVID-19 pandemic. The continuous deterioration of U.S.-China relations may eventually lead the two nations into the “Thucydides trap,” a potential military conflict between the hegemon and a rising power in the international system.

While acknowledging the inherent dangers of war or military conflicts involving these two powers, this project argues that competition, when effectively managed, need not always result in negative outcomes. This premise holds true for the strategic competition between the U.S. and China. By systematically examining U.S.-China institutional competition across security, economic, and political domains, particularly in the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis (GFC), this book emphasizes the positive aspects of U.S.-China competition, encapsulated within the framework of institutional balancing.

These constructive dimensions manifest as three unintended positive consequences arising from U.S.-China competition: the revitalization of regional institutions to address emerging challenges, unexpected collaborations between major powers (the U.S. and China) and regional actors, and the provision of public goods by both the U.S. and China. These inadvertent benefits resulting from U.S.-China competition have the potential to enhance regional stability and promote a more peaceful transition of the international order within the Asia-Pacific and beyond. In essence, we are witnessing a novel form of international order transition, where interstate institutional competition contributes to peace during the transitional phase of the international order.

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Farid Karimi

The Russian invasion of Ukraine changed the geopolitical situation in Europe and led to a grand shift in the EU’s energy policy. The EU appeared to be caught by surprise by Russia’s energy blackmail and its instrumental use of gas infrastructure since the outbreak of war. This is despite the fact that the development of Nord Stream 2 following the annexation of Ukrainian territories by Russia in 2014 meant to circumvent Ukraine as a transit state and make it more vulnerable to Russian influences. The development of Nord Stream 1 and 2 projects divided the EU and the Baltic Sea Region (BSR) and highlighted different priorities of the national energy policies. If the typical energy trilemma revolves around security of supply, equity, and sustainability, then the post-Soviet countries, such as Poland and the Baltic states, emphasised the security of supply and called for greater solidarity within the bloc while strongly opposing the construction of both Nord Stream pipelines. In contrast, the energy policy of Germany and, to some extent, Nordic countries was driven more by economic and sustainability dimensions, while they either supported the Nord Stream projects or remained neutral to them. In the aftermath of the war in Ukraine, the regional views on energy security and particularly on the security of supply are converging. However, what are the energy policy implications of this process? What lessons can be drawn from the Nord Stream 2 fiasco?

This research investigates the public discourses on the Nord Stream projects in three countries on the Baltic Sea coast: Germany, Latvia, and Finland. The ex-post analysis of the changing approaches to the project reveals the complexity of competing interests and agendas that now will struggle to realign – with all the policy effects on the domestic and regional energy transition agenda.

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Nene-Lomotey Kuditchar

Studies on African continentalism, conventionally dominated by the ranked heuristic and analytical logic of hierarchy, often designate the (non)effects of the processes and institutions African unity as uninspiring, mediocre or outright failures and hence not progressive. Relatedly, African political actors/engineers generally perceived as lacking confidence, self-defined rationality, ideational anchors and ingenuity, tend to be primarily tagged as peripheral, agency-deprived dominated subjects in the world pecking order. The dominance of the cited stereotypes in epistemic communities has hampered the realisation that processes of African unification, being historically contingent efforts to rehabilitate and uplift the African human condition, are inherently valuable and worthy natural experiments in their own right and as such harbour the potential to enrich academic discourse, expand knowledge frontiers and inform the framing of innovative policies. Against this background this project, with the aid of heterarchy: an essentially non-hierarchical mode of thought that privileges unranked and multiplicities of ranked coordinated relationships or transactions, seeks to research the often-overlooked complex nuances of African continentalism. The project’s endeavour, notionally oriented by a solemn and sympathetic consideration of crude transactions, seeks to probe the (i) ideational structures, (ii) institutional configurations and sequential patterns and (iii) (informal)governance regimes of African continentalism.

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Gladys Dzansi

Global migration is a phenomenon driven by a complex interplay of economic, geographical, political, social, and environmental factors. In 2020, international migration involved an estimated 281 million individuals, constituting 3.6% of the world’s population. The advent of digitalization and the pervasive use of social media have significantly reshaped migration patterns, introducing both opportunities and challenges. While migration offers economic advantages, it also poses risks, with unethical recruitment networks often exploiting vulnerable individuals.
The migration of highly skilled professionals, particularly nurses, from Low and Middle-Income Countries (LMICs) to high-income countries is creating inequity mobility, making LMIC worse off. Notably, the International Centre on Nurse Migration (ICNM) predicts a significant shortage of health workers by 2030, with one in eight nurses being migrants. The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated this trend, driving even more nurses to seek opportunities abroad, often facilitated by the sharing of information through social media. However, the extent and impact of digitalization on this phenomenon remain inadequately understood. To address this gap, this research project proposes a scoping review that will thoroughly investigate the influence of social media and digital platforms on nurse migration. This research project is poised to contribute to the understanding of how digitalization influences nurse migration, with the aim of fostering the development of ethical migration policies and promoting international collaboration. These efforts are essential to address the ongoing issue of nurse shortages and ensure the well-being of healthcare systems worldwide.

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Szilárd Teczár

Szilárd Teczár’s research project focuses on the issue of transparency and access to information within the European institutions. The ongoing Rule of Law Dialouge between the EU institutions and the Hungarian government will be used as a case study.

Since the main actors in the procedures concerning Hungary – the ’Article 7’ procedure, the budget conditionality mechanism and the rule of law-based assessment of the Hungarian Recovery and Resilience Plan – are the European Commission and the Council of the EU, the project will primarily examine how these institutions fulfil the requirement of transparent decision-making and handle freedom of information requests. The project aims to analyze document disclosure practices and responses to freedom of information requests in order to generate insights for journalists and for the general public, and to test the functioning of the European legal framework on freedom of information in practice.

The different procedures against Hungary, triggered by alleged violations of the rule of law, can have profound implications for the integrity of the European Union. As they are connected to the disbursement of EU funds to Hungary, the procedures also hold an economic importance. But does the assessment of the state of the rule of law in Hungary itself correspond to the requirement of transparency? Is it possible to follow the exchanges between the Hungarian government and the EU isntitutions and obtain information about the considerations that lie behind important political and legal decisions? The research of Szilárd Teczár poses these very questions, and he aims for this project to become a practical guide for journalists and those seeking access to information possessed by the EU institutions.

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Cecelia Lynch

A major challenge for international politics is how to effectuate equitable aid relationships. Addressing this issue requires in-depth examinations of how people in postcolonial societies navigate colonial legacies and internal/external dynamics of transnational humanitarianism and interstate securitization, amidst intersectional identities and multiple crises (poverty, civil conflict, COVID-19). Conversely, it also requires examining whether and how officials and aid agencies in former colonizing countries see links between colonial legacies and contemporary aid relationships, and how they perceive agency in those relationships. Our project addresses these issues with a focus on relations between Germany and one of its former colonies, Cameroon. Our central research questions follow:

To what degree do transnational humanitarian practices help or hinder the survival of Cameroonians, and of Cameroon as a country?
What does it mean for Cameroonians to “survive together”?

By “together,” we do not refer to any notion of a homogeneous or unified state or people with a common purpose, but rather to the minimal fact of survival as citizens of the same country. Addressing this question requires examination of historical legacies of colonization as well as ongoing humanitarian relationships. It requires examination of how these legacies influence the everyday (bureaucracy, entrenched ethnic and religious divisions, displacement and violence from the Anglophone Crisis, Boko Haram, and climate change) in conjunction with the transnational: in other words, it requires examination of the quotidian processes, debates, struggles, and fears that mark the lives of Cameroonians of different genders, ages, religions, languages, regions, and ethnicities, vis-à-vis the transnational dynamics of aid and securitization. Our project builds on collaborative research we have done on several religious women’s groups in the country by engaging with perspectives from German aid agencies and nongovernmental organizations, using African feminist approaches to address a) gaps in theorizing about Cameroon as a “stationary state” and 2) promises by transnational agencies to “decolonize humanitarian aid.”

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Hüseyin Çiçek

An analysis of the mutual entanglement of secular and religious political discourses in Turkey during the 1950s, set against the backdrop of the formative phase of the Cold War, is a desideratum in German research on Turkey. This is especially true considering the intra-Turkish discussions in weekly magazines such as AKIS, Yeni Ufuklar, Forum, and Sebilürreşad. From the very beginning, the Truman Doctrine, in its confrontation with the atheistic USSR, relied on the instrumentalization of “religion,” thereby stimulating a new political constellation in Turkey. As an ally of the capitalist West, the Kemalist containment of Islam in Turkey came under pressure, ultimately facilitating the emergence of a symbiotic fusion of Turkish Islam and Kemalism.

This research project examines relevant Kemalist-secular (AKIS, Yeni Ufuklar, Forum) and Islamic-conservative (Sebilürreşad) weekly magazines (as depicted in the graphic) to trace the changes in both the (personal) relationships and the arguments of their authors in the context of the global system rivalry of the 1950s. In doing so, it aims to contribute to a productive new focus in research on Turkey. Central to the analysis are the alliances between religiously conservative and secular weekly magazines that, during the 1950s Cold War era, constructed shared codifications of political belonging. This necessitated a renegotiation of the Turkish understanding of collective and identity consciousness against the backdrop of the tensions of global system competition. Only such a research focus, a fundamental thesis of the project posits, allows one to move beyond the dichotomy of Kemalism vs. Islamism and instead understand the history of coalition formations and political entanglements.

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Nadine Machikou

A major challenge for international politics is how to effectuate equitable aid relationships. Addressing this issue requires in-depth examinations of how people in postcolonial societies navigate colonial legacies and internal/external dynamics of transnational humanitarianism and interstate securitization, amidst intersectional identities and multiple crises (poverty, civil conflict, COVID-19). Conversely, it also requires examining whether and how officials and aid agencies in former colonizing countries see links between colonial legacies and contemporary aid relationships, and how they perceive agency in those relationships. Our project addresses these issues with a focus on relations between Germany and one of its former colonies, Cameroon. Our central research questions follow:

To what degree do transnational humanitarian practices help or hinder the survival of Cameroonians, and of Cameroon as a country?
What does it mean for Cameroonians to “survive together”?

By “together,” we do not refer to any notion of a homogeneous or unified state or people with a common purpose, but rather to the minimal fact of survival as citizens of the same country. Addressing this question requires examination of historical legacies of colonization as well as ongoing humanitarian relationships. It requires examination of how these legacies influence the everyday (bureaucracy, entrenched ethnic and religious divisions, displacement and violence from the Anglophone Crisis, Boko Haram, and climate change) in conjunction with the transnational: in other words, it requires examination of the quotidian processes, debates, struggles, and fears that mark the lives of Cameroonians of different genders, ages, religions, languages, regions, and ethnicities, vis-à-vis the transnational dynamics of aid and securitization. Our project builds on collaborative research we have done on several religious women’s groups in the country by engaging with perspectives from German aid agencies and nongovernmental organizations, using African feminist approaches to address a) gaps in theorizing about Cameroon as a “stationary state” and 2) promises by transnational agencies to “decolonize humanitarian aid.”

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Dmytro Shevchenko

The international security architecture can be divided into the time before Crimean crisis 2014 and after it. Current war in Ukraine is just the aftermath of the process which the Kremlin has begun with the annexation of Crimea. And if the world and Europe want to restore, restart or reshape the security architecture of the continent, they will surely need to solve the problem of the status of Crimea, so that it meets the requirements of the international law, the expectations of the key players of the region and fulfil the legitimate aspirations of the local population of the peninsula.

There are two main preconditions for the realization of any Crimean strategy: 1) regime change in Russia, where the Kremlin would be ready for compromises, and 2) readiness of other regional players, first of all, Ukraine and Turkey, to use the weakness of Russia not to strengthen their own national positions on the peninsula, but instead to create a long term basis for peace and cooperation. Both preconditions are more than realistic at some point in the future, so we must be well prepared.

During my research at the AIA fellowship I will compare territorial conflicts in Europe, which are more or less similar to the Crimean crisis, and deliver a toolkit of possible solutions, how they were successfully or not successfully used in the European history, so the instrumentarium for further discussions on the future of the Crimea. Further, on the basis of these cases, I will try to propose the most effective variant of the administrative system in the Crimea, which would allow a sustainable and peaceful development of the region at least for the decades to come.

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